On May 7th I visited the Chachapoyas archaeological site of Revash and visited the small but amazing museum in Leymebamba, Peru. Revash’s mausoleums are architectonical rests located in the Amazonas region of Peru. The mausoleums of Revash, located outside of the small community (100 persons?) of San Bartolo were studied by the archaeologists Henry and Paule Reichlen. The three groupings are located in a straight line along the narrow hall that was shaped by the cavity excavated in the rocky wall of the imposing canyon. They remain almost intact except for the mummies located inside, which were destroyed by rodents and pillaged long ago. The mausoleums resemble small housings and miniature “villages,” similar to the cliff-houses of Colorado. Judging by the osseous remains still present in the tombs, Revash’s mausoleums were not used for individual burials. The walls of the mausoleums include art made from incisions. They are constituted by “T” shaped representations, crosses, and rectangles. Revash’s funeral houses have moldings around the tops of the walls, which are painted with figures, such as felines, South American camelids, people, and two-color circles. The symbols are similar in form and execution to those used on the coast in the architecture of the Virú. Their symbolic content is still unknown although the cruciform motives are identical to those of the side walls on the church in La Jalca, which, according to the local tradition, were raised by the mythical Juan Oso, or “small bear”. The mausoleums of Revash do not represent Inca cultural influences, but they do surface relatively late in Peruvian archeological history. In 1950, Paule and Henry Reichlen estimated that they might date to the 14th century and that they were connected with the funeral architecture known as chullpa, which was common in Peru during the Tiahuanaco-Huari period (around 1000 years ago).
After the tour, our small group of four (Revash receives about 10 visitors a day, with the new construction of an airport in Chachapoyas, I expect these numbers to skyrocket in the future) had a wonderful lunch in the community center, cooked by a group of the town’s women. It was good to see the money from the ticket sales to visit the site and the lunch go directly to the community.
After our lunch in San Bartolo. We visited the museum in Leymebamba. What a small but amazing place! They had textiles, pottery, quipus (knot strings), musical instruments, an assortment of bones, and what really blew my mind- 219 mummies in a climate-controlled room! Some of the mummies were in textile bags with faces sewn on, some were children and babies, and there was one dog- all were in a fetal position.
The Chachapoyas used containers made of wooden slats to transport the remains to the burial sites. On the skulls and bones there was evidence of trepanning (surgical holes in the skulls, vertebrae with TB scarring, osteomyelitis, and healed fractures.
Most of the human remains and artifacts were from excavations conducted by Sonia Guillen, Adriana van Hagen, Peter Lurche, and Monica Panaifo during the late 1990’s in the Laguna de los Condores near Leymebamba. These remains represent the Late Chachapoya Period, dating to the late 1400’s, right around the time of the Inka (BTW- The museum used the Quechua spelling- “Inka”) incursion into the Chachapoyas territory. The researchers recovered 2,300 artifacts and the 219 mummies already mentioned. The
remains were stored in the museum which was opened to the public in the year 2000.
This was an amazing day and a fitting end to my exploration of Chachapoyas. I am already forming my research goals for returning to this area. Thank you Peru!
The Chachapoyas, also called the Warriors of the Clouds, were Andean people living in the cloud forests of the Amazonas Region of present-day Peru. The Inkas conquered their civilization shortly before the arrival of the Spanish in Peru in the 16th century. Their incorporation into the Inka Empire was fraught with constant resistance to the Inka troops. The name Chachapoya is the name that was given to this culture by the Inka; the name that these people may have used to refer to themselves is not known. The meaning of the word Chachapoya may have been derived from sach’a-p-qullas, the equivalent “people who live in the woods” (sach’a = tree, p = of the, qulla = nation; in which Aymara is spoken). Some believe the word is a variant of the Quechua construction sach’a phuya (tree cloud).The Chachapoyas were devastated by the 18th century but remain as a strain within general indigenous ethnicity in modern Peru.
The Chachapoyas’ territory was located in the northern regions of the Andes. It encompassed the triangular region formed by the confluence of the rivers Marañón and Utcubamba in the zone of Bagua, up to the basin of the Abiseo River, where the ruins of Pajáten are located. This territory also included land to the south up to the Chuntayaku River, exceeding the limits of the current Amazonas Region towards the south. But the center of the Chachapoyas culture was the basin of the Utcubamba River. Due to the great size of the Marañón River and the surrounding mountainous terrain, the region was relatively isolated from the coast and other areas of Peru, although there is archaeological evidence of some interaction between the Chachapoyas and other cultures.
According to the analysis of Chachapoyas artifacts made by the Antisuyo expeditions of the Amazon Archaeology Institute, the Chachapoyas did not exhibit Amazon cultural tradition but one more closely resembling an Andean one. The anthropomorphous sarcophagi in the area resemble imitations of funeral bundles provided with wooden masks typical of the Horizonte Medio, a dominant culture on the coast and highlands, also known as the Tiahuanaco–Huari or Wari culture. The “mausoleums” may be modified forms of the chullpa or pucullo, elements of funeral architecture observed throughout the Andes, especially in the Tiahuanaco and Huari cultures.
Population expansion into the Amazonian Andes seems to have been driven by the desire to expand agrarian land, as evidenced by extensive terracing throughout the region. The agricultural environments of both the Andes and the coastal region, characterized by its extensive desert areas and limited soil suitable for farming, became insufficient for sustaining a population like the ancestral Peruvians, which had grown for 3000 years.
The conquest of the Chachapoyas by the Inkas took place, according to Garcilaso, during the government of Tupac Inka Yupanqui in the second half of the 15th century. He recounts that the warlike actions began in Pias, a community on a mountain on the edge of Chachapoyas territory likely to the southwest of Gran Pajáten. According to de la Vega, the Chachapoyas anticipated an Inka incursion and began preparations to withstand it at least two years earlier. The chronicle of Cieza also documents Chachapoya resistance. During the time of Huayna Capac’s regime, the Chachapoyas rebelled: “They had killed the Inka’s governors and captains and soldiers and many others were imprisoned, they had the intention to make them their slaves.” In response, Huayna Capac sent messengers to negotiate peace. But again, the Chachapoyas “punished the messengers and threatened them with death”. Huayna Capac then ordered an attack. He crossed the Marañón River over a bridge of wooden rafts. From here, Inka troops proceeded to Cajamarquilla with the intention of destroying “one of the principal towns” of the Chachapoyas. From Cajamarquilla, a delegation of women came to meet them, led by a matron who was a former concubine of Tupac Inka Yupanqui. They asked for mercy and forgiveness, which the Inka granted them. In memory of this event, the place where the negotiation had taken place was declared sacred. To assure the pacification of the Chachapoyas, the Inkas installed garrisons in the region. They also arranged the transfer of groups of villagers under the system of mitmac, or forced resettlement. The Inka presence in the territory of Chachapoyas left structures at Cochabamba in the outskirts of Utcubamba in the current Leimebamba District as well as other sites.
The architectural model of the Chachapoyas is characterized by circular stone constructions as well as raised platforms constructed on slopes. Their walls were sometimes decorated with symbolic figures. Some structures such as the monumental fortress of Kuelap and the ruins of Cerro Olán are prime examples of this architectural style. Chachapoyan constructions may date to the 9th or 10th century; this architectural tradition still thrived at the time of the arrival of the Spanish until the latter part of the 16th century. The Inkas introduced their own style after conquering the Chachapoyas, such as the ruins of Cochabamba in the district of Leimebamba. The presence of two funeral patterns is also typical of the Chachapoyas culture. One is represented by sarcophagi, placed vertically and located in caves that were excavated at the highest point of precipices. The other funeral pattern was groups of mausoleums constructed like tiny houses located in caves worked into cliffs.
Chachapoyan handmade ceramics did not reach the technological level of the Mochica or Nazca cultures. Their small pitchers are frequently decorated by cordoned motifs. As for textile art, clothes were generally colored in red. A monumental textile from the precincts of Pajáten had been painted with figures of birds. The Chachapoyas also used to paint their walls, as in San Antonio, in the province of Luya, reveals. These walls represent stages of a ritual dance of couples holding hands.
Although there is archaeological evidence that people began settling this geographical area as early as 200 AD or before, the Chachapoyas culture is thought to have developed around 750-800 AD. The major urban centers, such as Kuélap and Gran Pajáten, may have developed as defensive measures against the Huari, a Middle Horizon culture that covered much of the coast and highlands. In the fifteenth century, the Inka Empire expanded to incorporate the Chachapoyas region. Although fortifications such as the citadel at Kuélap may have been an adequate defense against the invading Inka, it is possible that by this time the Chachapoyas settlements had become decentralized and fragmented after the threat of Huari invasion had dissipated. The Chachapoyas were conquered by Inka ruler Tupac Inka Yupanqui around 1475 AD. The defeat of the Chachapoyas was fairly swift; however, smaller rebellions continued for many years. Using the mitmac system of ethnic dispersion, the Inka attempted to quell these rebellions by forcing large numbers of Chachapoya people to resettle in remote locations of the empire. When civil war broke out within the Inka Empire, the Chachapoyas were located on middle ground between the northern capital at Quito, ruled by the Inka Atahualpa, and the southern capital at Cuzco, ruled by Atahualpa’s brother Huáscar. Many of the Chachapoyas were conscripted into Huáscar’s army, and heavy casualties ensued. After Atahualpa’s eventual victory, many more of the Chachapoyas were executed or deported due to their former allegiance with Huáscar. It was due to the harsh treatment of the Chachapoyas during the years of subjugation that many of the Chachapoyas initially chose to side with the Spanish conquistadors when they arrived in Peru. Guaman, a local ruler from Cochabamba, pledged his allegiance to the conquistador Francisco Pizarro after the capture of Atahualpa in Cajamarca. The Spanish moved in and occupied Cochabamba, extorting from the local inhabitant whatever riches they could find.
During Inka Manco Cápac’s rebellion against the Spanish, his emissaries enlisted the help of a group of Chachapoyas. However, Guaman’s supporters remained loyal to the Spanish. By 1547, a large faction of Spanish soldiers arrived in the city of Chachapoyas, effectively ending the Chachapoyas’ independence. Residents were relocated to Spanish-style towns, often with members of several different ayllu occupying the same settlement. Disease, poverty, and attrition led to severe decreases in population; by some accounts the population of the Chachapoyas region decreased by 90% over the course of 200 years after the arrival of the Spanish.
With this historical background in mind, I visited two burial sites in the Chachapoyas area. The first stop was Caverna de Quiocta. This cave has a petroglyph on a wall near the entrance. Inside there are various piles of skulls and bones.
Further back, there are many stalagmites and stalactites. Among some of the bones there are also some remains of pottery. The people who existed within the Chachapoya cultural sphere believed in an afterlife, so goods were buried along with the remains.
The next stop was Carajía or Karijia, in the Utcubamba Valley where there are eleven Chachapoyan mummies in sarcophagi in three groups on the cliffside. These were constructed by the chilloos people who were a subgroup of the chachapoya. The largest group contains seven (originally eight) sarcophagi which stand up to 2.5 meters tall. There is also a group of three which have holes in them from looters, and another which sits alone and is smaller. The sarcophagi are constructed of clay, sticks and grasses, the larger group having exaggerated jawlines. An earthquake toppled one of the original eight in 1928.
They have been radiocarbon dated to the 15th century, coincident with the Inka conquest of the Chachapoyas in the 1470s. The sarcophagi are of a type particular to the Chachapoyas called purunmachus. The construction is painted white and overlaid with details of the body and adornment in yellow ochre and two red pigments, such as the feathered tunics and male genitalia visible on the Carajía purunmachus. Often the solid clay head will boast a second, smaller head atop it. Two of which also have human skulls on top of them. The purunmachus of Carajía are unique because of this. It is thought that the skulls were war trophies.
I fell in love with the Chachapoyas countryside and people and can’t wait to return to Peru; hopefully beginning a new research project in the future.
Note: Be sure to check out my earlier post on the Chachapoyas fortress of Kuelap
On May 4th, 2016, I was able to visit the ruins of Kuelap, Peru. The fortress of Kuelap or Cuélap is associated with the Chachapoyas culture, and consists of a walled city, with massive exterior stone walls surrounding more than four hundred buildings. Radiocarbon dating samples show that construction of the structures started in the 6th century AD and the complex was occupied until the Early Colonial period (1532-1570). It was rediscovered in 1843.The complex, situated on a ridge overlooking the Utcubamba Valley in northern Peru, is roughly 600 meters in length and 110 meters in width. It could have been built to defend against the Huari or other hostile peoples. However, evidence of these hostile groups at the site is minimal. Judging from its sheer size, Kuelap’s construction required considerable effort, rivaling or surpassing in size other archaeological structures in the Americas.
There are multiple levels or platforms within the complex. Because of its extension, these flat elevations support about 400 constructions, most of them cylindrical. Of them, only bases remain. In some cases, there are decorated walls with friezes of symbolic content that seem to evoke eyes and birds that take the form of a letter “V” in a chain. On my visit I had an indigenous Chachapoyas guide who said the site supported 3,000 people and was the home of ruling elites and shamans. The “V” pattern reliefs with 3 levels symbolized the levels of the world- below, ground, and above. These were also represented by the animals serpent, puma, and condor respectively. He also said the elites lived on the upper-most level and the other people lived below. There is also a double diamond pattern which represented duality.
The shamans lived in round houses on the upper level. These houses contained many obsidian artifacts as well as many llama bones, suggesting sacrificial activity; there were no human bones found in these areas. There is a stone structure on the site which is aligned with the cardinal directions. There is a pictograph face on one of the shaman’s houses.
There is not a scholarly consensus regarding the function of Kuelap, it is thought of as a fortress because of its location and the high walls which support its primary level. Adolf Bandelier and especially Louis Langlois tried to demonstrate that Kuelap might have been a fortified place destined to serve as a refuge for the population in emergency situations. The high walls that cover the outer surfaces of the platform, and the tightness of the access to the citadel in its final stretch, also suggest that the monument of Kuelap could have been constructed as a defensive sanctuary, or at least that it provided a refuge that protected against intruders. It likely also had religious or sacred functions. It is suggested that Kuelap could have been a pre-Inka sanctuary, and that a powerful aristocracy lived in it, whose primary mission was to administer food production and provide religious leadership.
My Chachapoyas guide said that the Chachapoyas people allied themselves with the Spanish conquistadores because the Inka had begun trying to make slaves and indentured servants of the Chachapoyas, moving them away from their homelands to work on projects for the empire. He said the Chachapoyas area including Kuelap was the last area conquered by the Inka and it took 100 years for the Inka to build roads into the area.
Soon the conquistadores began enslaving the residents and forcing then to work in the silver mines. Disease from the old world also took its toll, with some researchers estimating as much as 90% of the population dying from smallpox, flu, and other illnesses previously unknown in the Americas. However, the elites of the Chachapoyas culture intermarried with the conquistadores and their bloodlines became mixed with those from Spain.
Note: I use the spelling “Inka” because Wade Davis suggests it is more accurate.
Sibö (the Bribrí god) made the first indigenous people from seeds of corn. He brought the seeds from a place called SuLa’kaska, which means the Place of Destiny. At the time the earth was only rock, and Sibö knew he had to create soil in order to plant his corn seeds. On another planet there lived a tapir family. Sibö asked a bat to fly to that place and suck the blood of a little girl tapir. The bat did as he was told and when he returned to the earth he defecated on the rocks. A few days later the first trees began to sprout from that place. Sibö realized that his experiment to make soil was working, so he sent the bat again to suck the blood of the little girl tapir. The bat returned and again defecated upon the rocks and more trees grew. Sibö then made more soil from the flesh and blood of the little girl tapir. Sibö then planted corn seeds of all different colors to create the indigenous people of the earth; this is why indigenous people have different skin colors and tones. Sibö brought the seeds to the earth during the nighttime; that is why the awapa chant and do their curing ceremonies at night. He named the people dtsö, which means corn seeds. One of Sibö’s relatives, Plekeköl (the king of the leaf-cutter ants) created the white people of the earth which he named síkua. The Bribrí belong to Sibö; he is their owner, they are his things, not his relatives. Bribrí creation story
Perego and colleagues obtained DNA samples from people living in Panama including Bribrí from Bocas del Toro and Chiriquí. They found that the Amerindians located in the area of the Isthmus of Panama contain some of the oldest DNA groups in the Americas (Perego et al. 2012), suggesting that the modern-day populations are related to some of the first people to populate the Americas.
“Considering the most recently accepted age estimate for haplogroup A2 in the American continent as a whole at 15–19 ka ago and as a proxy for the time of expansion of Paleo-Indians into the Americas, it can be suggested that the initial settlement of Panama occurred fairly rapidly after the initial colonization of the American continent. These data fully support the hypothesis that the Pacific coast was the major entry point and diffusion route for the earliest human settlers. Moreover, the antiquity and high frequency of subclade A2af provides evidence of the existing mitochondrial DNA legacy between modern Panamanians and America’s first inhabitants” (Perego et al. 2012:7).
This suggests that the arrival of the ancestors of the Bribrí occurred fairly rapidly after the initial arrival of humans to the Americas. We also know that maize (corn) cultivation did not begin in the area until roughly 5,000 years ago. For example, Arford and Horn obtained a radiocarbon date of 4760 years before present of charcoal within an interval of maize pollen from Laguna Martinez, Costa Rica (2004). We also have evidence of a stratified, complex society in existence soon after this in the Talamancan area of Costa Rica where most Bribrí currently reside. The Rivas Site, located in Western Talamanca north of the town of San Isidro, is described as a ceremonial and trade center, due the existence of elite burials nearby which contain gold artifacts and fancy polychrome pottery, some originating from areas south in Panama and east on the other side of the Talamancan Range, in addition to monumental architecture and petroglyphs (Quilter and Vargas 1995). The oldest radiocarbon date obtained from the site is 3,380 years before present. This puts the possible initial construction of Rivas soon after the earliest known dates of maize cultivation in the area. The presence of large open mouthed bowls as much as a meter in diameter was also found at Rivas; perhaps these were made for the consumption of the fermented corn beverage, chicha, in ceremonial contexts.
So, thinking about the Bribrí creation story and taking into account the archaeological data presented in Arford and Horn and Quilter and Vargas, I was wondering, “How can you explain that Sibö created the Bribrí from maize seeds when the ancestors of the Bribrí were in the area fully 5,000 years before maize?” I have two opposing hypotheses: first, the creation story developed over time soon after a group of migrants traveling from Beringia by way of the Pacific coast settled in Talamanca. To account for the conundrum of the time lag in the arrival of maize I suggest that initially the story stated that Sibö used a different seed, perhaps cacao, to create his people. The story was then transformed as maize became a more important part of the culture 5,000 years later. This change over time of “myths” is common. For example in the Creek Narrative, The Orphan and the Origin of Corn, the use of the word “corn” initially increases over time and then dramatically decreases (Swanton 1929). My second hypothesis is that the current Bribrí creation story only became popular after the beginning of maize cultivation, perhaps signaling the coalescing of hunter gatherer groups into a small scale agricultural society based on the mundane and ritual production and consumption of maize. Could Sibö have been an actual person, perhaps a shaman, who brought corn to the area or was instrumental in its introduction as a crop?
I am a firm believer in the idea that “myths” originate from actual happenings or describe actual people (or the cultural beliefs concerning them). My undergrad professor, Dr. Buys, and I would often discuss the possibility that many of the different “gods” found in cultures throughout the world (my Odin included) were actual shamans who over time were described not as exceptional leaders who brought something essential to the people, but rather as supernatural beings-gods. This is one of the reasons I pursued graduate degrees in anthropology instead of psychology; the unique combination of biology (DNA analysis), archaeology (material remains), and cultural anthropology (studying living peoples) offers the researcher a multitude of tools to address some of these (to me) fascinating puzzles concerning human history and cultural evolution.
Arford, Martin R. and Sally P. Horn (2004) Pollen Evidence of the Earliest Maize Agriculture in Costa Rica. Journal of Latin American Geography 3(1)108-115.
Perego, Ugo A., Hovirag Lancioni, Maribel Tribaldos, Norman Angerhofer, Jayne E. Ekins, Anna Olivieri, Scott R. Woodward, Juan Miguel Pascale, Richard Cooke, Jorge Motta, and Alessandro Achilli (2012) Decrypting the Mitochondrial Gene Pool of Modern Panamanians. Plos One 7(6):1-10.
Quilter, Jeffrey and Aida Blanco Vargas (1995) Monumental Architecture and Social Organization at the Rivas Site, Costa Rica. Journal of Field Archaeology 22:203-221.
Swanton, John (1929) Three Versions of the Creek Narrative, “The Orphan and the Origin of Corn.” In Myths and Tales of the Southeastern Indians. Washington D.C.: Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 88:10-17.