Tag Archives: anthropology

The Right Type of Busy

CULTURE AND THE SOCIALIZATION OF CHILD CARDIOVASCULAR REGULATION AT SCHOOL ENTRY IN THE US

Dr. Jason Decaro is an associate professor at the University of Alabama who specializes in human development, evolutionary biology, and social epidemiology in East Africa, Central America, and the U.S. He received his Ph.D. from Emory University as a student of Dr. Carol Worthman, who is a Samuel Candler Dobbs Professor at Emory University. She received her  Ph.D. in biological anthropology from Harvard University and specializes in human reproduction, development, and developmental epidemiology.

In this 2008 research article, Decaro and Worthman examine the link between childrearing practices and the child’s emotional response to normative social challenges, particularly the cardiovascular response. They conclude that culture shapes family ecology and this has a measurable effect on a child’s developing cardiovascular response. Ultimately, patterns in cardiovascular function can be linked to long-term health and well-being.

Study Overview 

Specifically, the busyness of the mother’s schedule, rather than the child’s, was examined to see if there were any implications for the child’s respiratory sinus arrhythmia (RSA) following the normative social challenge of a school grade transition. RSA is a natural variation in an individual’s heart rate that occurs during the breathing cycle. RSAs are described in terms of vagal tones,

image via Henry Gray (1918) Anatomy of the Human Body

which refers to the activity of the vagus nerve. Increased vagal tone corresponds to diminished heart rate and more variability. RSAs are pronounced in children and are thought to be indicative of mental health. Research also suggests that children with more significant maternal attachments demonstrated higher vagal tones and, therefore, more social integration and empathetic receptiveness.

Decaro and Worthman hypothesized that 1) maternal busyness in year 1  (prior to grade transition) will affect the child’s RSA the following year, 2) maternal busyness will be linked to high maternal and family function, and 3) maternal mood, family dinner frequency, and parenting stress will also predict the child’s RSA in the following year.

Methods

The study consists of 38 families from metro Atlanta, GA. All children attended Pre-K the first year and kindergarten or some other form of primary schooling in the following year. Each family was visited four time during the child’s Pre-K year and data on daily schedule and maternal and child busyness was collected. Parenting stress and depression inventories were collected and frequency of family dinner was also collected as a marker for family function. In the last interview, a continuously monitored electrocardiogram (EKG) was conducted on the children as a baseline for future physiological data (prior to school grade transition). During the monitoring, children were asked to engage in a non-threatening interaction with two puppets to simulate social transition and interactions in the following grade year.

Berkeley Puppet Interview
image via University of Oregon

During the second year (after school grade transition), each family was visited again 3 to 11 weeks after the transition and the same data was collected.

Results and Discussion 

The study found that, consistent with the first hypothesis, maternal busyness but not child busyness predicted the children’s parasympathetic regulations (RSA patterns) during the second year. The results showed a statically significant increase in children’s RSA in relation to maternal busyness, however, in married families only. (Remember that high RSA is a marker of low arousal). The study also confirmed the second hypothesis that high levels of maternal busyness correlated with positive maternal mood and less parenting stress. The results showed that increased maternal busyness correlated with lower maternal depression, as well as lower parent-child dysfunctional interactions/ parenting stress. The third hypothesis, however, was not confirmed by the study which showed that family dinner, parenting stress, and maternal mood were not predictors of children’s vagal regulation.

My Thoughts 

It was difficult for me to understand the psychological implications of the biomarker used in this study. My understanding is that vagal tones are thought to have a regulatory effect on social and emotional function. Therefore, a higher vagal tone, which we now see is observed in children whose mothers have low scores of depression and parenting stress, indicates that the child will exhibit less social inhibition and maybe deal with social normative challenges, like grade changes, better than children with low vagal tones. It would make sense then that RSAs and vagal tones are studied as a predictive measure. I did think that the RSA was interesting to learn about, especially in relation to child development. It plays into the parasympathetic nervous system and the idea of “rest and digest,” which is a fascinating topic.

I also feel like this article did a good job of explicitly stating its main points and using language that was easy for the reader to follow. A lot of the physiology was explained, too, which is important for biological anthropology.

Discussion Questions: 

  • Why do you think there is a disconnect in the results between married families and single mothers?
  • What does this study suggest about the state of a mother’s well-being and the well-being of her child?
  • Can you think of any confounding factors that may have played a role in children’s physiological response that were not mentioned in the study?
  • Are there any other biomarkers linked to early developmental experience that could be used?
  • What are some cultural beliefs that shape childrearing practices?

Sources:

  1. Decaro, J. A., & Worthman, C. M. (2008). Culture and the socialization of child cardiovascular regulation at school entry in the US. American Journal of Human Biology, 20(5), 572-583. doi:10.1002/ajhb.20782
  2. Gray, H. (2012). Anatomy of the human body. London, England: Bounty.
  3. (n.d.). Retrieved October 15, 2017, from http://pages.uoregon.edu/dslab/BPI.html

Addiction and Neuroanthropology: Querer mas y mas

Daniel H. Lende

Colombian Study: Colombian perspective of addiction versus the perspective of the United States, the world’s largest consumer of drugs

According to the Colombians studied in Dr. Lende’s study, drug abuse involved wanting more and more (querer mas y mas), cravings, desire, and urges. Drug use was seen as a range from a small vice (everyone has some sort of vice) to the worst case scenario mode of putting individuals directly onto the street. The latter is  a complete violation of Colombian social norms because of the overarching desire for drugs more than the value of desire to be with family and friends. Drugs, especially cocaine (referred to as la droga), have the potential to violate one of the most entrenched values of Colombian culture–protecting the well-being of loved ones. When the desire for drugs outweighs the values, it becomes a problem, a habit that becomes hard to control. Otherwise, drug usage is not harshly judged unless it becomes a big enough problem that it dictates the individual.

In the United States, perspectives of drug use include viewing use as a moral failing, or a pathology. Americans have the tendency to compare drug use to either a biological pathology (chemical imbalances caused by drug use, “reward deficiency syndrome”) or a reflection of an individual’s self-control . The American perspective of drug use is Puritanistic, relating drug use to the “immoral” desire of too much pleasure.  According to the American perspective, the disruption of the hard-wired pleasure circuits already within the brain can be “hijacked” by this “immoral” drug usage.

By comparing these two starkly different views, Dr. Lende was able to collage emic and etic perspectives and the connection between behavior and experience, creating an ethnographic, neurological revelation regarding addiction:

Addiction is a problem of involvement, not just pleasure or of the self.

So, how does neuroanthropology play a role in all of this? 

Lende identified two core components of addiction and addictive behavior directly from individuals experienced to study: users report compulsive desires and urges for drugs, leading to relapse or excess; users also identified drug use as an escape from the doldrums and stresses of every day life. Furthermore, Lende identified that sociocultural dynamics affect an individual’s cues and habits that create compulsive or destructive ends. According to the DSM, criteria for substance abuse requires the specific pharmacological structure and mechanism of the drug, whether or not individuals demonstrate tolerance or withdrawal, continued use despite negative effects, and using increasingly higher dosages to achieve greater effects. The problem, which the neuroanthropological view seeks to tackle, peaks when many drugs produce no physiological adaptations. How does one measure the extent of substance abuse according to the DSM’s guidelines if no physiological symptoms are expressed? Causation for addiction must be reviewed, according to Lende, in order to go beyond focusing on withdrawal. According to Lende:

“A full explanation for addiction is not to be found in deviations from rational choice, leaving out community dynamics, social meanings, and other important aspects of substance abuse. Morevoer, this approach also treats addiction as solely an individual problem, in particular, by assuming that addiction is a brain disease that limits the mind’s ability to lead a rational life. “

The aforementioned approach of treating addiction as a disease foregoes answering WHY. What drove this individual to substance abuse? Why did can it become so destructive for particular individuals? These questions, according to Lende, need to be examined in order to garner a full understanding of addiction.

Neuroscience and Addiction

Addiction is a complex process that incorporates many different parts of the brain, rather than just a few isolated sections. Motor, sensory, and bodily regulation must be integrated together before addiction can occur. It begins from the basal parts of the brain (regulation, activation of bodily functions), runs through the limbic system (emotions, evaluation of stimuli), up through the frontal cortices (higher-order cognition). As Lende put it, they have to do with what to do, when to do, and how much to do.

Wanting More and More: The Neuroanthropology of Involvement

Incentive salience, or the determination of which incentives for reward are most important (salient) to an individual, was proposed in a 1993 study as the core psychobiological process that is most affected in continued substance abuse. The biochemical mediator for incentive salience is the dopaminergic system. In Lende’s studies in Colombia, he found that using incentive salience as a model for a scale depicting experience turned out to be a good predictor of addicted status. Asking real people about their real experiences with drug use, Lende sought to better understand their want for drugs and how they would get drugs, and how they felt before actually getting the drugs. In the end, he found that the “want” actually corresponded to experiences during the drug use rather than before or after, and that meaning and social context played a role in the experience.

Incentive Salience and Addiction: Mediation, Environment, and Anthropology 

According to Lende, incentive salience is a much more focused means of examining drug usage. Incentive salience merely reflects a few aspects of addiction (remember, addiction is highly complex and dynamic), and does provide good insight into addiction, but does not fully explain it. Incentive salience gives researchers an insight into the neurological processes of decision making, and the means of seeking out rewards. It also links together cues and rewards through motivation and action.

Incentive salience, however, is not the same thing as conscious desire. As Lende puts it:

That urge for pizza people get, that sense that they want it now, and that they just have to have it–that is incentive salience.

Well, now I want some pizza. Thanks, Dr. Lende.

Anyways, a good way to garner information regarding incentive salience has to do with ethnographical research. In his Colombia study, Lende asked participants to describe a “typical day”. His results”

  • Heavy drug users described a sequence of feeling ambivalent towards drug use, a marked decision to use, and then the action of seeking out whatever drug they use. In addition, these people reported a stronger urgency and desire to use once the decision to use had been made. They reported that they felt the want for more and more (querer mas y mas) in the moment. Not before, not after, but in the moment that the drug use was happening.

^^^that’s incentive salience

The salience experienced by Colombian users, however, occurred when using that drug transformed their lives. It took them away from day to day life experiences, the monotonous, and created a  viaje (journey) to the sublime. Well, who wouldn’t want that?

According to Lende, “signals for salience depend on the presence of cues, the structure of environments, and present and past states. In other words, when behavioral options are salient, animals will pursue them–that is what incentive salience does.”

This incentive salience can be applied in two ways:

1. Involvement: the creation of a feeling of belonging or involvement in cultural meaning schema

2. Transition: Signaling transitions between activities, shifting involvement from what matters throughout the day

 

Yet, how does this explain habitual use? Incentive salience alone just doesn’t cut it. Habits play a role in the same neurological processes that incentive salience does. When the want for more and more (querer mas y mas) becomes a cultural commodity, partnering alongside feelings of belonging and transcendence from the mundane, that may lead people to wanting to repeat that experience. Repetition over continual, extended periods of time can create a habit. A habit (referenced in the text, Gaybriel 2008, p.363) is defined as:

“learned, repetitive, sequential, context-triggered behaviors which are performed not in relation to the current or future goal but rather in relation to a previous goal and the antecedent behavior that most successfully led to achieving that goal.”

Lende goes on to describe the interworkings of habits and culture, pointing out that the neuroanthropological approach sheds light into the social and biological aspects of drug use. In the end, the neuroanthropological approach helps better understand the complexity and dynamics of addiction.

Stress and Diet in European Adolescents

If being in college has taught me anything about food, it’s that stress-eating is a painfully real thing. I was so proud in April of my freshman year that I had successfully avoided the freshman fifteen. And then dead week and finals happened.

When I found  European adolescents’ level of perceived stress is inversely related to their diet
quality: the Healthy Lifestyle in Europe by Nutrition in Adolescence study, my first thought was, “Duh.” However, this study has some pretty interesting methodology and specific results.

For one, this study has every single variable ever. Gender, amount of sleep, parental education, pubertal stage, BMI, and level of physical activity were all variables that were controlled for or not controlled for in certain situations, allowing for more specific results than just, “stress eating is a thing”. Hierarchical Linear Models (HLMs) were used for this.

The study found that in adolescents, higher levels of stress were correlated with more food that are less healthy. In women, their food choices were also less diverse.

 

 

Vegetarians, Vegans, and What It’s All About

The article The vegetarian option: varieties,
conversions, motives and careers by Beardsworth and Keil may actually be the best source ever. It comes across as an almost mini-ethnography of vegetarians and vegans in a certain area of the UK, and has more information than I ever thought I would need.

The most relevant background information for my proposal might not be in the results, but in the methodology. Beardsworth and Keil used what they referred to as the “snowball method” in which they gathered participants for their study by reaching out through the social groups of the vegetarians or vegans that were already signed up. They relied on the social groups of vegans and vegetarians to get participants! This makes my hypothesis sound way more plausible!

Though this study was qualitative, Keil and Beardsworth developed and interesting scale from 1-6 which sort of measured how vegetarian a participant was. A type 1 vegetarian would occasionally eat meat (observing the hospitality clause or perhaps just indulging), while type 6 was totally plant-based. Although I wanted to study vegans exclusively, this may be beneficial in terms of how vegans define veganism.

Also, there was a substantial amount of qualitative data on social interactions of vegetarians/vegans and their families or other non-vegetarians. Which is again, super great information for my proposal.

 

This article is a great source of information and also a great read.

Feeling Like a Man and Behind Blue Eyes: No one knows what it’s like to feel these feelings…..

Benjamin Campbell

Campell is an associate professor at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. He obtained a B.A. in Biology and an M.A. in Zoology from Indiana University in 1982 and 1983, respectively. Campbell then went on to earn an M.A. in Anthropology and a Ph.D. in Biological Anthropology from Harvard University. Studying both humans and non-human primates, Campbell has an impressive list of publications involving the brain, hormones, and human life history. His work has been mainly in African populations, including adolescent males in Zimbabwe, and the Turkana and Ariaal pastorals.

 

http://www4.uwm.edu/letsci/anthropology/faculty/campbell.cfm

 

Embodiment and Vitality

Embodiment is defined in several different ways in this article. In terms of anthropology, embodiment used to mean “the non-physiological experience of the body.”  Now, however, the focus is less on a mind-body dualism, as the mechanism describing how physiological information is transmitted to the right anterior insula was discovered by Bud Craig. Campbell uses embodiment as a term to “represent the neurophysiological experience of fundamental bodily processes centered around ‘well-being.’” From my understanding, embodiment in this context refers to how one is feeling and thinking related to how well his/her body is doing. Vitality can be defined as the energy resulting from a feeling of well-being.

 

Background

Over the past few decades, studies have shown that an increase in testosterone in hypogonadal men (men with low testosterone) lead to feeling better, increased bodily functionality, and having better sex. Men in industrialized societies tend to have high baseline testosterone levels after adolescence that drop significantly after its peak in their twenties. On the other hand, men in less industrialized societies usually have lower baseline testosterone that stays relatively consistent over the course of their life. While men in Western cultures tend have lowering testosterone levels over the course of their lives, men in subsistence cultures tend to have testosterone levels that fluctuate on a weekly or even day to day basis.

The Experiment

Campbell chose to study men because of the differences in behavior that can be seen by the prescence of different sex steroids (hormones). He also chose to study a group of pastoral nomads in Kenya known as the Ariaal because they have high levels of physical activity, low energy intake, and high disease burdens when compared to men in western cultures. Campbell predicted that higher levels of testosterone would correlate with higher libido, higher energy levels, and a greater sense of well-being among Ariaal men.

Campbell used the World Health Organization’s Quality of Life questionnaire to determine the subjective feelings of the Ariaal men in terms of satisfaction with sex, energy levels, and positive emotions. Campbell then obtained saliva samples for over one hundred nomadic and settled men. After controlling for genetic factors that could interfere with the effects of testosterone levels (DRD2 dopamine receptors), Campbell analyzed the results and determined that his prediction was correct: there is a relationship between levels of testosterone in males and their self-reported well-being.

 

Interesting Cultural Beliefs about Male Vitality

One of the most interesting parts of this article is examining the beliefs about masculinity and embodiment cross-culturally. Campbell notes that from da Vinci to the Turkana in Kenya, there is an often occurring linkage culturally between males’ head, spine, and semen. The Sambia of New Guinea, the Greeks, and the Celts all had/have cultural practices involving the transfer of masculine energy via semen or the head of a slain enemy. This linkage reflects how men see their bodies, but also how their bodies work.

For example, some evidence seems to suggest that the function of the brain and the spine are dependent on androgen in males. Men who don’t have working androgen receptors have testosterone that does not function properly later in life, which causes spinal problems and malfunctions in the spinal bulbar muscles (which are responsible for erections).

Why is this really cool?

If a genetically male fetus is not exposed to or is insensitive to androgen, it will not develop male genitalia. Androgen is responsible for male genitalia.

 

The way certain cultures connect the spine, brain, and male genitalia has a scientific basis! This is awesome!

 

 

TL:DR

Campbell studied how men’s level of testosterone affected their subjective well-being and vitality. In both industrialized populations and pastoral populations, higher levels of testosterone led to higher feelings of well-being in men. Science is still cool.

 

 

 

 

Behind Blue Eyes: No one knows what it’s like to feel these feelings…..

Recently I read an article by Carol Worthman of Emory University entitled “Emotions: You can feel the difference.” The article can be found as a chapter in the book “Biocultural approaches to the Emotions” which was published in 1999 and edited by Alexander Laban Hinton. As I read the article I was taken back to my first year as an undergraduate student sitting in a psychology class concerned with child development. In that class I was first exposed to the work of Jerome Kagan on temperament in infants and the work of Mary Ainsworth involving various types of attachment of children to their caregivers. The more recent work by Carol Worthman builds on these ideas and outlines a process in which an individual’s relationship to the environment is mediated by emotions and how the appraisal of this relationship has an effect on the individual’s mental and physical health. Ultimately, Worthman argues that emotions have a role in cognition and physical well-being.

Worthman begins with a description concerning what exactly emotions are and what they do. Emotions are involved in processing sensory information. Emotions influence the detection of stimuli and the amount of attention given to stimuli. Emotions are involved in learning, memory, and cognitive integration. Emotions also influence the cognitive drive of an individual, affecting motivation, organization, prioritization, and recruitment of cognitive structures. Emotions are also a signal to the self and to others. Emotions affect communication, relations, and self- representations.

Emotion and the brain

Worthman introduces the ideas of Gregory Bateson, formed in 1958, concerning ethos and eidos. Ethos can be described as the affective-emotional landscape characterizing members of a culture. Contrary to this, eidos concerns the cognitive-propositional landscape characterizing working cultural logic of members of a culture. These ideas reflect a Western view of feeling and thinking being dichotomous or Cartesian. In this model, the two realms are mutually exclusive; as emotion increases cognition decreases, and as emotion decreases cognition increases. Worthman suggests that in addition to operating in this manner, there may also be a synergy between thinking and feeling. She suggests that emotions are crucial to preconscious processing wherein they direct attention, and are also involved in memory construction and retrieval.

Emotion influences what is remembered, how it is remembered, modulates the retrieval of information, and ultimately forms a “bridge to the unconscious.” Indeed, most processing of sensory information, including emotions, occurs in the unconscious and is therefore embodied outside of awareness.

Conscious vs. subconscious thinking

Worthman suggests that what becomes conscious is selective and it is emotion that shapes the selection. Consciousness is finite; the brain determines what to pay attention to and what to ignore or place in the background. Emotion plays a key role in selecting attention and prioritizing cognition. Emotions are integral to information processing. And finally both conscious and pre or unconscious information is embodied.

Worthman proposes a “dual embodiment schema” in which culture or the social context has an influence on the body through the process of embodiment and in return the body has an influence on the culture or social context leading again to various forms of embodiment. As Worthman states, “as culture shapes persons, persons shape culture.” The process of this embodiment depends on individual motivation, perception, behavior, and physical attributes. It is the individual’s interpretation of events, not the facts themselves, which constitutes lived experience.

Individual differences in emotional valence and interpretation of emotion can be described as the individual’s temperament. Jerome Kagan was a pioneer in the idea of temperament and described how reactive-inhibited infants are more easily excited, difficult to soothe, and less readily habituated.

Jerome Kagan on temperament

This has also been shown to be true in primates, particularly rhesus monkeys. In research conducted by Suomi (1991) high-reactive rhesus monkey infants were found to be more influenced by rearing conditions than low-reactive infants. High-reactive infants raised by “average mothers” were socially avoidant and low in dominance. Contrarily, low-reactive infants assumed immediate status no matter what were their rearing conditions. It has also been found that rearing conditions exert enduring effects on hormonal stress patterns (Higley et al. 1992).

In conclusion, individual reactivity can be a product of genetic inheritance or of early experience. Long-term effects of early experience may be exhibited only in certain situations. Effects of early experience depend on individual temperament through the interaction of reactivity and the environment. Variation in affective responsiveness influences how information is perceived, evaluated, and acted upon. These ideas constitute a psycho behavioral and biological link. They also illustrate the importance of the individual’s personal makeup and the context or social environment. A person’s inherited genetic biology influences temperament, which in turn influences emotion and how the individual interacts with the environment, which in turn influences mental and physical health, with all aspects combining in a circular feedback loop. I have included a chart created by Worthman below, which was created a few years after the article under discussion. In my opinion, the chart goes a long way towards illustrating these ideas in a visual format.

pic4blog

Greg Batchelder